Jordan B. Smith The Invention of Rum: Creating the Quintessential Atlantic Commodity University of Pennsylvania Press 320 pages, 6 x 9 inches, ISBN 9781512828184
The Invention of Rum is my attempt to answer how people living in the Atlantic world invented rum and subsequently wrestled with the wide-ranging implications of its production and consumption. Rather than focusing on a particular region or narrow time period, I instead wrote a book that connects the makers, movers, and drinkers of rum in the West Indies, North America, Britain, and West Africa over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The book unpacks the Atlantic-wide circulation of information necessary for rum to be created, the high human and environmental costs of producing something so “cheap,” and the extended contestations over who should profit from it.
I chose to frame my study in this way in order to account for the fundamental place that the spirit played in the history of the early modern world. More than a tropical curiosity, rum constituted a significant portion of the annual profits of British sugar plantations. This was a shocking development because people made rum from sugary wastes with no other clear use. Such an invention resulted from the creative collisions of Indigenous American, West Central African, and European cultures of alcohol production and consumption.
Once people living outside of the Caribbean encountered this new invention, it spread rapidly. North American merchants eagerly embraced it as a means to wring profits out of the cheap sweeteners that French and other merchants were eager to unload. Distilleries in England and Scotland could even turn the sweepings from the decks of merchant ships and the scum pooling in state-of-the-art sugar refineries into fermentable material in their own distilleries. Combined, these hundreds of distilleries fed burgeoning consumption patterns in British and American cities, the American backcountry, scattered garrisons of sailors and soldiers, Atlantic fisheries, and several regions of West Africa engaged in the slave trade. We might not always stop to think about it, but rum was nearly everywhere.
Rum’s spectacular emergence was predicated on a substantively new idea that trash could be transformed into treasure. Sugarcane damaged by hurricanes, rat-bitten pieces of cane, and impurities skimmed off in the boiling house could now be collected, fermented, and distilled into something highly desirable and marketable. In short order, those controlling the sites of rum production embodied this concept of disposability in just about everything they did. They redoubled their investment in unsustainable labor patterns dependent on coercion; they prioritized short-term profits over sustainable agricultural techniques; and they created trade relationships that yielded exhaustible resources like land and people for parcels of eminently replaceable rum. Capitalizing on disposability was a fledgling concept in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that helps to explain the rise of some of the most iconic new commodities of the modern world, from cigarettes and tea bags to chicken nuggets.
A book that takes this long to write is bound to have multiple origin stories. One came from my attempts as an undergraduate to think about Caribbean taverns as one place where many different corners of colonial society—including pirates—would have interacted with each other. Shifting to what was often consumed in those spaces widened the lens even further. It situated me to embrace the full promise of Atlantic history—a field that I believe yields the greatest insights when historians transcend national borders and geographical regions to explore how early modern European colonization, the transatlantic slave trade, and endemic imperial warfare changed the lived realities of just about everybody inhabiting the ocean basin.
Moreover, I spent several years working at a public history site in college, after I graduated, and while studying for my PhD. Working in historic trades heightened my sensitivity to the experiences of work in a pre-industrialized world. And while working in a reproduction of an eighteenth-century distillery I became quite aware of various keys to fermentation and distillation that were more easily learned by practice than any written text. In light of these experiences, I could no longer see rum (or much of anything else) as something that simply existed. I wanted to know how people divided by thousands of miles and heavily patrolled social divisions knew what they knew about rum. My work in public history also convinced me that I wanted to tell this story in a way that would be interesting to historians and non-historians alike.
The shape that the book took was also influenced by my experiences with archival research in graduate school. I find poring over two-hundred-year-old paperwork absolutely fascinating. Snarky letters between feuding business partners or siblings can make one laugh out loud. Piecing together a narrative from entries in an account book is oddly thrilling. And you might be surprised by some of the stories revealed in documents as formulaic as an inventory or a legal deposition. Material culture can also unveil histories of production and consumption that were never written down. I am well aware of the inequalities and extreme power differentials that shape what was created in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and what has been preserved in archives. But I also firmly believe that there remains an incredible amount to be learned when we prioritize open inquiry and extended time in them.
Exterior of a Distillery. From Ten Views in the Island of Antigua by William Clark (1823), Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

I tried to tell a story when writing The Invention of Rum, and like most stories this one is probably best enjoyed from the beginning. If readers start with the introduction, they will encounter my description of a modern-day auction of eighteenth-century rum and a taste test that followed. This anecdote connects past and present. It also reveals what the commodity itself tasted like. But most importantly, it initiates a broader reflection on how rum morphed from something ubiquitous to something prized for its rarity. I hope this sets the stage for considering rum’s constant presence in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when its cheapness and potency were its most important qualities.
If a browser continues leafing through the pages in a bookstore, they are very likely to pause on a page where I delve into the experiences of a person responding to the invention, production, trade, or consumption of rum. They might encounter Quacqo, who was enslaved as a cooper in Barbados before being sold to a distillery owner in 1720s Boston. His inability or unwillingness to complete the work expected of him led to a showdown in court. Or they could learn about a merchant in late eighteenth-century Maine named Thomas Robison who mislabeled his rum as being Caribbean in origin. When the market for his rum suffered as a result, he chose to engage in the transatlantic slave trade. Perhaps the name “George Washington” or “Thomas Jefferson” will leap off the page, revealing how both expressed hopes that “rum” made from maple sugar could wean a fledgling United States off of Caribbean-produced goods.
Collectively, these stories form one of the central arguments of the book. There are many histories of commodities that claim that the good in question changed the world or some part of it. Of course, goods themselves can’t change anything without human input. As I detail, an array of people who touched and tasted rum made individual decisions with outsized impacts. The Invention of Rum tells a human-centered history of an everyday good.
Connoisseurs of rum will readily tell you that the spirit is more complex than it has often been given credit for. And indeed, the market has begun to agree with them. Premium rums now sometimes receive the attention that has customarily been more often reserved for fine whiskeys.
I hope that readers will realize that the history of rum is equally complex. It resists straightforward categorization. To study the history of rum entails reading about the enslavement of huge numbers of Africans and Indigenous Americans on Caribbean plantations. In part because of the expertise created and acquired by enslaved people, slavery also prevailed in distilleries throughout North America and even Britain late into the eighteenth century.
Yet amongst this harshness, there is also a story of resilience and innovation to be recovered. The Invention of Rum offers a history of invention and knowledge production unfolding in the very sites of slavery and colonization. It locates creativity and thought in places where casual observers and scholars alike have not always looked for it. I hope that readers will agree with me that if we lose sight of either the brutality or the innovation at the heart of the invention of rum, we are missing the point.
In the final pages of the book, I also weigh in on what a history of rum in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries might unveil about the experience of being human across time. One of the central takeaways of The Invention of Rum is that the invention of rum represented a substantial shift in what people were willing to put in their bodies and the lengths that societies were willing to go to create something desirable. This process was not foreordained. It was not straightforward. It entailed extended experimentation and negotiation between people of Indigenous American, African, and European descent. Nobody could have predicted that rum would emerge from this maelstrom. Originality and creation are predicated on a human exploration of what is possible and preferable. This sort of labor falls far beyond the capabilities of any algorithm.


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