Arts
Annebella Pollen

Snap Happy! How Children Became Photographers

Children’s cultural production is rarely taken seriously. In the visual arts, children’s drawing and painting has been celebrated by modern artists seeking a primitivist, untutored source of authentic expression, but children’s photography has not been offered the same status. If children’s photography is considered at all, it may be thought to be an incompetent practice, with out-of-focus subjects, beheaded sitters, and fingers protruding in front of the lens. For example, I have collected over 100 books of photographic guidance for children, spanning over 100 years, and every one of them contains a section on mistakes. The assumption tends to be that there is a ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ way of doing photography. With books of children’s guidance, that sense of right and wrong is also moral direction. Books of instruction are often behavioural regulations, where adults seek to mould pliable children. These adult-produced sources offer a photographic view into what has been expected of children historically.

The period covered in the book not only charts a time, from the late nineteenth century to the early 2000s, when photographic technology changed fundamentally, but also an era when attitudes to children shifted dramatically. At the start of the book, those who received an education into their teenage years were a rare minority: children were mostly wage-earners before they hit adolescence. They were de facto adults and were expected to behave and communicate as such, demonstrating maturity and responsibility. In the 1950s and 1960s, attitudes to young people were reconfigured: youth attitudes were seen as shaping forces on the wider culture and thus worth paying attention to as a refreshing source of new viewpoints. The young might teach the old new ways of being. By the end of the twentieth century, I found an increasing infantilisation of children, whose capabilities seem strikingly diminished and whose vulnerabilities are prioritised. I use photography as a lens to interpret these changes. The various sources that I assemble and analyse, from school archives to public competitions, advertising and instruction manuals, sociological experiments to art exhibitions, show not only how children see, but how they are seen. Children’s media experience is never unadulterated.

The camera has always been a moral device where children were concerned, for good or for ill, because childhood is a moral concept as a temporary state that embodies hope for the future and anxieties about the passage of time. Children are perceived to be uniquely impressionable, and variously in need of protection or improvement, whether they are perceived to be threatened or perceived to be a threat. Across its history, in the case studies I detail in the book, photography was repeatedly claimed to make things better for children: it developed social skills in clubs; it kept the wayward off the streets; it expanded narrow horizons. I examine how this played out in practice through children’s own words and pictures.

Researchers who put children at the centre of their studies argue that young people are more than apprentice adults: they inhabit distinctive worlds with distinctive perspectives. The camera shows this literally but never transparently. Photos may look realistic, but they are always selective visions, shaped by the camera’s capacities and by cultural conditions. Children produce photos within historical limitations shaped by uneven access to apparatus, films, developing and printing, and by what was permitted or promoted by adults, and by wider structures of leisure and commerce. As with all cultural production, children’s experience is enabled and restricted by economics, education, gender, class, ethnicity and physical ability. There are fundamental differences, too, between older and younger children, and between what is expected of, and produced by, two-year-olds and 17-year-olds. Consequently, the child worlds that we see are subject to all these forces.

Ongoing thread. More from Annebella Pollen to follow.
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Annebella PollenSnap Happy! How Children Became Photographers

Uncredited found photograph of boys with cameras, inscribed with the handwritten caption ‘Busy!’, undated, c. 1900s. Collection of Annebella Pollen.

Pamela Foohey

Forgive Us Our Debts: How Black Churches Use Bankruptcy to Survive

When it filed bankruptcy in June 2020, the Cathedral of the Holy Spirit was known as Prayer Tabernacle Church of Love. Bishop Kenneth Moales Sr. founded the church in Bridgeport, Connecticut, in the early 1970s. At its height, the congregation numbered close to a thousand members. I spoke with Pastor Kenneth Moales Jr., Bishop Moales's son, about eighteen months after Prayer Tabernacle filed bankruptcy.

Although the church did not have any millionaire congregants, as described by Pastor Moales, it had “strong blue-collar low-middle-class” members eager to see the church succeed. As its congregation grew, Prayer Tabernacle needed to expand. To build a ministry center that could seat fifteen hundred people, as desired by the congregation, Prayer Tabernacle needed a loan. And it would have to build from scratch because there was nothing in Bridgeport sufficiently large to convert into what Bishop Moales and church members contemplated.

Bishop Moales and Pastor Moales approached five different banks for a loan. They estimated that the church needed $6 million. That estimate reflected the size of the proposed building, which needed space to include the church's day care and school. It also reflected real property values and the construction costs in Connecticut. All five banks turned them away, including the local bank with which the church had done business for thirty-five years.

Only then did Prayer Tabernacle hook up with a prominent Christian-based lender—Foundational Capital Resources (FCR). FCR provided Prayer Tabernacle with a more than sufficient loan and even helped it with construction plans. At first, FCR did not talk finances. It talked faith and vision. Still, the loan FCR sold to Prayer Tabernacle came with a seemingly high interest rate and onerous terms. Terms that the church rather quickly could not meet.

Prayer Tabernacle scrambled. It completed construction of its new sanctuary, barely. But Prayer Tabernacle's finances were left in shambles. And after a decade of precarious worship in a building constantly under threat of being taken away, a state court judge ordered Prayer Tabernacle's eviction for failure to pay FCR. At that point, the church owed much more to FCR than its original loan amount. This prompted Prayer Tabernacle's bankruptcy filing.

Prayer Tabernacle's journey to bankruptcy court, and then through the reorganization process, is one of seven churches' stories profiled in Forgive Us Our Debts—six Black churches and one white church. These seven churches' stories link the United States' long history of predatory lending to Black churches' predominance in bankruptcy courts. At its core, Forgive Us Our Debts is about lending to Black-owned businesses. And it is a study of Black communities' fighting back against attempts to extract wealth.

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Pamela Foohey

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Barbara Will
From the archive ·
October 24, 2011

Unlikely Collaboration

Barbara Will
Unlikely Collaboration is a study of the unlikely attraction of modernist intellectuals and artists to fascist and authoritarian regimes in the twentieth century. Its focus is on the particular experience...
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